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Le vrai dilemme aujourd’hui comment réussir la transition vers un nouveau modèle social qui se donne les moyens pour former et renforcer les capacités intrinsèques des couches majoritaires de la société et les mettre en condition et en situation de pouvoir négocier, en tant qu’interlocuteurs crédibles, une cohabitation politique apaisée avec les étrangers, les métèques et les créoles sur la base de garanties de la prise en compte de leurs revendications et de ceux de la majorité dont ils sont issus.

C’est une démarche essentielle si nous voulons réconcilier, durablement, les leaderships respectifs des différents secteurs engagés dans la mobilisation pour le départ du Président Jovenel Moise qui, alors et alors seulement, se mettront d’accord pour travailler ensemble à la défense des intérêts supérieurs de la Nation et à l’amélioration des conditions de vie de la population.

La difficulté de l’exercice réside dans le fait que, depuis l’Indépendance, les couches majoritaires et leurs représentants ont toujours été tenus à l’écart des grands moments de notre histoire. En effet, l’Acte de l’Indépendance a été signé le 1er Janvier 1804 par un (1) Blanc, quatorze (14) Généraux mulâtres et (6) Généraux Noirs. Presqu’aucune trace de la signature d’un Bossale sur le document si ce n’est celui de Dessalines. Soit que les Bossales n’aient pas été partie prenante de l’accord de l’Arcahaie, conclu le 18 Mai 1803, soit que leur réputation d’irréductibles ait desservi leur cause et servi de prétexte pour les écarter du nouveau Leadership. Aujourd’hui encore, «chwal kontinye ap galope epi se kavalye kap resevwa lonè».

Réconcilier l’État bossale à la Nation métèque, ou créole, revient à engager les paysans des plaines et des mornes ainsi que tous ceux qui vivent dans les quartiers précaires (les ghettos) dans la transformation de leur propre environnement pour qu’ils deviennent des citoyens à part entière qui ont des droits politiques, économiques et sociaux à revendiquer et à protéger mais aussi des devoirs civiques et citoyens à remplir. Cela demande beaucoup de conviction, de courage, d’intelligence et de fermeté de la part d’un leadership crédible et légitime dont, malheureusement, la Nation attend encore l’émergence et la prise en charge.

Car, contrairement à ce qui s’est passé après Duvalier et Aristide, l’après Jovenel, qu’il prenne effet maintenant ou plus tard, doit permettre à la société haïtienne de mettre le pays sur orbite en vue de sa refondation et de sa reconstruction : D’aucuns parlent de changement de système, d’autres parlent de tabula rasa. Quel que soit le cas de figure, la confusion idéologique qui a freiné les élans qui ont rendu possible le 7 février 1986 et noyé l’espoir de toute une génération doit se dissiper pour permettre à ceux qui le veulent et qui le peuvent vraiment de donner la meilleure contribution possible au relèvement du pays.

Contrairement aux autres époques, les protagonistes s’agitent à visière levée : Les petro-challengers; les jeunes qui ont perdu l’espoir d’un lendemain meilleur et ceux des quartiers précaires qui ont fait de l’occupation du béton et de l’activité des gangs leur gagne-pain; les anciens suppôts de Lavalas, de Lespwa, d’Inite et de PHTK; ceux qui ont été des bénéficiaires directs des fonds Petro-Caribe mais qui ont pris sur eux de dénoncer les autres dilapidateurs parce qu’ils se sont sentis trahis ou roulés par ceux qui se sont emparés de la part du Lion. Et puis, il y en face ceux qui sont indexés et qui font tout pour se disculper ou faire reculer l’échéance d’un procès. Mais, il n’y a rien à faire : Ce sera une reddition des comptes en bonne et due forme ou rien du tout !

Contrairement aux autres époques, le décor est planté. La reddition des comptes sur la dilapidation des fonds Petro-Caribe, et dans une plus large mesure, la lutte contre l’impunité et la corruption, constituent les premiers chantiers à entamer pour crédibiliser le nouveau leadership et redonner confiance et espoir à la population.

Contrairement aux autres époques, l’affrontement idéologique qui a déterminé l’orientation ou conditionné l’épaisseur de l’enveloppe des coopérations Nord-Sud et Sud-Sud n’a plus de quoi nous surprendre. On nous a volé les fonds de la CIRH après le Tremblement de terre du 12 janvier 2010, nous avons dilapidé les fonds Petro-Caribe et galvaudé la coopération tripartite entre le Venezuela, Cuba et Haïti. Récemment, nous avons choisi de refuser la mise en œuvre l’Initiative LAREDO qui était censée être un projet binational de coopération tripartite entre les États-Unis, la République Dominicaine et Haïti pour la modernisation de la frontière avec la République Dominicaine.

Les États ont des intérêts, non des amis et chaque État établit sa diplomatie et sa coopération en fonction de ses intérêts politiques, économiques et stratégiques. C’est à nous haïtiens de comprendre cette nuance et de l’appliquer à notre Diplomatie. L’heure des choix idéologiques basés sur les utopies révolutionnaires est révolue. Le pragmatisme politique doit faire place à la rhétorique anti-néolibérale pour mettre le nouveau leadership en mesure de mobiliser les énergies créatrices pour engager la nation dans un processus de production pour l’échange marchand et dégager des ressources pour réussir la lutte contre la pauvreté et les inégalités.

Dans ce sens, il nous faut trouver un consensus idéologique, politique, social et économique pour lever les obstacles au développement d’Haïti et négocier le virage vers la modernité et le progrès: Il nous faut nous engager dans une démarche idéologique pour atténuer les antagonismes irréconciliables entre les créoles et les bossales perceptibles et exprimés à travers leur refus réciproque d’accepter la domination de l’un sur l’autre ; il nous faut construire de réelles capacités pour pouvoir contraindre les perdants à accepter le jeu politique et utiliser à bon escient la contrainte légitime à notre disposition pour vaincre les initiatives ou velléités des métèques, des étrangers et des détenteurs des moyens de production à refuser de se soumettre aux choix de la majorité quand ils sont vaincus par les urnes ou par les armes ; il nous faut implémenter un système économique capable de supporter le nouveau modèle social qui nous permette de nous réapproprier la Doctrine de la Fraternité pour qui tout homme est un homme, qu’il soit etranger, métèque, créole ou bossale.

D’autre part, il nous faut consacrer la reconfiguration des nouvelles élites politiques, économiques et sociales qui auront la mission et la responsabilité de porter et de piloter le projet de refondation de la Nation et de reconstruction du Pays, de travailler à la consolidation de la sécurité, de la paix, de la liberté, de la démocratie et de la stabilité, ouvrir le marché des opportunités économiques  pour la création d’entreprises, d’emplois et de richesses, assurer la croissance, la prospérité et la redistribution  des richesses par la fiscalité et rendre disponibles les services sociaux de base tels que les infrastructures, l’éducation, la santé et les loisirs pour promouvoir et faciliter l’ascension et la mobilité sociale.

C’est une entreprise d’envergure qui implique de négocier des alliances avec les protagonistes et parties prenantes de la crise actuelle sur la base de nos capacités à pouvoir briser les résistances au changement, à vaincre les réticences à l’engagement, à surmonter les contraintes liés au refus de la modernité, à contourner les  obstacles au progrès pour rattraper l’écart générationnel et réussir le saut qualitatif vers la paix, la stabilité, la croissance et la prospérité.

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